On the 23rd of July 1963 a verdict was passed down by the Supreme Court of the Deutsches Democratic Republik (DDR/GDR) the DDR or known more commonly as East Germany. The verdict was for a trial that had begun on the 10th of July 1963. A trail that had heard witness testimonies of 59 individuals, reports from experts from seven nations and the opinions of specialists from Czechoslovakia, Poland and the USSR. It was a trial that had drawn international eyes to a courtroom in Berlin, a location where the skeletal remains of a once great city stood as a reminder of the horrors of extremism and war.

In the room waiting to hear the translated result of the criminal proceedings were people like: Eva Furth who sat stoically, her tattooed numbers from concentration camps visible upon her arm. Endre So from the representation of Hungarian Jews who had lost sixty-three member of his family through the persecution allowed under the Nuremberg laws and other subsequent laws. Egon Schubert who as a “Jewish half-breed” had lost his right to marry his fiance despite his appeals he was to cancel his relationship or face “the strictest state police measures,” and Antanaz Jakobas formerly of the Lithuanian Ministry of the Interior.

So it was to the judge, Heinrich Toeplitz to pass down the sentence. A sentence that being passed by the highest court in the land, could not be subject to appeal. Whilst the courts of the Federal Republic of Germany or West Germany had moved away from the death sentence, the courts of the DDR still had this option available to them.

The court had reached a decision. The singular man on trial was found guilty. Guilty of an unscrupulous disregard for dignity, and the reason for existence for both individuals and nations, a willing participant in the total fascist crimes and use of his own initiative to satisfy and perfect Fascist rule. The courts sentence, life imprisonment. A murmur spread around the room, the defendants lawyer, Dr. Friedrich Wolff, closed his files stood and left. But there were now handcuffs for the defendant, no guards stood over his shoulder waiting to take the guilty to a solitary cell, where he would spend his remaining days behind bars for his crimes. Instead the guilty was able to live out the remainder of his life free from the confines of prison, with no worry for arrest. For the guilty happened to be one of, if not the most, powerful men in the Federal Republic of Germany, known as the Grey Eminence, the trusted adviser to chancellor of West Germany, Konrad Adenauer the State Secretary Hans Globke.

In this Podcast we are going to explore how he, a lawyer, rose to draft laws: that consolidated Hitler’s power, that robber, degraded and murdered millions of Jews, avoided persecution at Nuremberg, became the man behind Konrad Adenauer, a CIA informant, and probably the most powerful man in the fledgling Federal Republic of Germany, yet to the English speaking world, he and his name is almost completely unknown. Welcome to…[insert podcast name].

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Part One: Making Hitler

Hans Globke was born Hans Josef Maria Globke on the 10th of September 1898 in Dusseldorf, in what was then the Kingdom of Prussia within the German Empire. From the age of seven, the young Hans Globe was enrolled in elementary school before in 1908 joining the Kaiser-Karl-Gymnasium in Aachen where, on the 15th of November 1916, at the age of eighteen he graduated. Yet as the young Hans graduated from school he entered a world where war had been raging for two years already.

World War One by 1916 had become a stalemate. The war had begun with both sides believing that it would be a war ended by Christmas. The German plan to achieve this, known as the Schlieffen plan, was to march through Belgium quickly, then would follow the launching of a massive attack on the French that would bring a swift victory on the Western front leaving Germany to focus entirely on defeating Russia. But the German Schlieffen plan to bring the war on the western front to a quick end had failed and the two sides had dug in, there was to be no quick victory, only a war waged in the pits left by exploded artillery or within the scars dug into the landscape by the soldiers, World War One was to become a trench war.

1916, the year in which Hans Globe was conscripted into the army saw some of the worst fighting of the war. Both sides had had major offensives, the British at the Somme, where a failed attempt at advancing on the first day of the battle had led to the deaths of 19,000 British soldiers alone, or at Verdun where during the first phase of advance the Germans had lost around 25,000 men and the French defenders 24,000. It was to be at Verdun where Hans Globke would join up with the 56th Field Artillery within the V army Corp during the final phases of the battle.

Hans Globke survived the war, and with he armistice of the 11th of November 1918 and the end of fighting he was released from his service and continued on his educational path. He joined the Universities of Bonn and Cologne choosing to study Jurisprudence, or the philosophy of law, where on the 11th of May 1921 he passed, in Cologne, his first legal examination with the passing grade of “satisfactory,” and by the end of the month he was already sworn in as a trainee lawyer in Eschweiler, then under the jurisdiction of the Prussian Constitution, a constitution stemming from 1812, that protected equality and human rights, a constitution he would later be instrumental in the unravelling of.

Globke continues his studies at the district court of Cologne and at the public prosecutors office working towards his doctorate which he obtain a year later, this time with a passing grade of “magna cum laude” or with great distinction in May 1922, with a dissertation on the “Immunity of the members of the Reichstag and the Landtage.” Two years later he passed the second juridical examination and on the 14th of April 1924 he would make his application to the Prussian Ministry of the Interior, in which he stated, “I wish to devote my services to the Prussian state.”

Over the course of the following five years Dr. Hans Globke would work between the Upper Regional Court of Cologne and also with the police administration in Aachen. However on the 29th of November 1929 Globke’s dream would come true. The Prussian Minister of the Interior, Albert Grzesinski appointed the 31 year old Globke as Government Council and as of the 1st of January 1930 he was to be transferred to the state Police Administration in Berlin.

However, as Hans Globke had been continuing with his studies Germany, as a nation, had been struggling. Since the end of the war the country had been torn locally by revolution and counter revolution, all of the Kings had gone, Bavaria had briefly been a soviet republic, Berlin had had its own civil war and there had been no stability within the German Parliament in Berlin, the Reichstag.

In the first federal elections of 1919, 423 seats were up for contention with 212 seats needed for a majority within the new republic known as the Weimar Republic. The largest party, the Social democratic party or SPD, won just 165. In the same year, Germany’s first president Friedrich Ebert was forced to sign the controversial Treaty of Versailles which would become hated amongst most Germans of the period especially clause 231, also known as the “War Guilt” clause, which read that Germany had caused “all the loss and damage” of the war.

The second federal election came just a year later. This time 459 seats were up for contention, 230 were needed for a majority and the SPD remained the largest party but they had lost over a third of their seats, now controlling just 103.

Further elections came and went. Governmental seats changed hands quicker than children did playing a game of musical chairs. Chancellors fell like dominoes and new parties with extreme visions were on the rise. One of these parties was that of Adolf Hitler, leader of the Nationalsozialistisches Deutscher Arbeiterpartei the NSDAP or known more commonly today as the Nazi party.

Hitler and his rhetoric had been gaining traction amongst conservative circles principally in the Freestate of Bavaria and the territories now, due to the treaty of Versailles, were separated from the main body of the Reich. Yet it would still require a seismic shift in the situation of the majority of the Germany people to look on the NSDAP with sincerity.

However, just the month previous to the news received by Hans Globke’s of his appointment to the Police Administration in Berlin, there would be a serious of unfortunate events that would change the course of Germany’s history forever.

During the chaos of the Weimar Republic, there were few men to remain consistent within the political landscape. One who did remain within government, even serving as chancellor briefly, it was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Gustav Stresemann.

From his appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs, on the 13th of August 1923 Gustav Stresemann had fought with the Western Allies, those that Germany was indebted to according to the Treaty of Versailles, to renegotiate the treaty, to find a better deal for Germany, to reduce the debt stipulated within the treaty and to breath new life into Germany.

He had, along with six time Prime Minister of France Aristide Briand, been able to normalise relations and achieve reconciliation between Germany and France, a feat for which he and Briand were awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for in 1926. He and defended Germany’s interests in the negotiation of the loans and repayments systems known as the Dawes and Young plans, plans to which the German economy was tide. However, suddenly, on the 3rd of October 1929, Stresemann, the central support of the Weimar Republic, and international face, suddenly died.

In 1928 Gustav Stresemann had spoken to diplomat Sir Albert Bruce Lockhart in reference to the Treaty of Versailles. “If the allies had obliged me just one single time, I would have brought the German people behind me, yes; even today, I could still get them to support me. However, [the Allies] gave me nothing and the minor concessions they made, always came too late. Thus the future lies in the hands of the new generation. Moreover, they, the German youth, whom we could have won for peace and the new Europe, we have lost. Herein lies my tragedy and there, the Allies’ crime.”

What exactly Gustav Stresemann saw in Germany’s future we do not know, but it is doubtable that he would have thought that Germany would have collapsed so quickly after his death. For, less than four weeks after his death, the world would change when Wall Street crashed.

With the Wall Street Crash America recalled its loans to Germany and the economy took a tumble, unemployment grew and hyperinflation ensued. With these difficult times in mind, the career of Dr. Hans Globke was accelerated, and on the 3rd of December 1929 he was placed directly within the Prussian Ministry of the Interior, where he would stay for the next fifteen years.

The following years, after Stresemann’s death and the Wall Street Crash were difficult for Germany as it wrestled with the adversity of an economic recession that affected much of the west world. Yet, because the Germany economy was supported by the loans of the Dawes and Young plans Germany was hit hardest. Prices for everyday objects soared and even though the hyperinflation was not as drastic as it had been in 1922 to 1923 it was enough to have a severe effect on the mentality of the German people.

As the price of bread rose so did unemployment. From just over two million unemployed in 1929 the number would double in 1930. The cities were the worst affected. It was at this point that those unemployed, disenfranchised or still embittered by the Treaty of Versailles start to look at the extremes to solve the issues Germany was facing.

Mr Justice Jackson: Now, going back to the time when you met Hitler; you said that he was a man who had a serious and definite aim, that he was not content with the defeat of Germany and with the Versailles Treaty; do you recall that?

Goering: I am very sorry, the translation was rather defective and I cannot understand it. Please repeat.

Mr. Justice Jackson: When you met Hitler, as I understand your testimony, you found a man with a serious and definite aim, as you said, in that he was not content with the defeat of Germany in the pervious war and was not content with the Versailles Treaty.

Goering: I think you did not quite understand me correctly here, for I did not put it that way at all. I stated that it had struck me that Hitler had very definite views of the impotency of protest; secondly, that he was of the opinion that Germany must be freed from the dictate of Versailles. It was not only Adolf Hitler; every German, every patriotic German had the same feelings and I, being an ardent patriot, bitterly felt the shame of the dictate of Versailles, and I allied myself with the man about whom I felt that he perceived most clearly the consequences of this dictate, and the probably he was the man who would find the ways and means to set it aside. All the other talk in the Party about Versailles was, pardon the expression, mere twaddle.

Mr Justice Jackson: So, as I understand you, from the very beginning publicly and notoriously, it was the position of the Nazi Party that the Versailles Treaty must be set aside and the protest was impotent for that purpose?

Goering: From the beginning it was the aim of Adolf Hitler and his movement to free Germany from the oppressive fetters of Versailles, that is, not from the whole Treaty of Versailles, but from those terms which were strangling Germany’s future.

That was a recording from the Nuremberg Trials of 1946, and the voices of Mr. Justice Jackson and Hermann Göring. Hermann Göring, who with the defeat of Nazi Germany and the deaths of Hitler and his henchmen, was not only the highest ranking Nazi official captured alive, but someone who had been with Hitler from early on in the Nazi movement and had been instrumental to Hitler’s capturing of power.

With the Reichstag election of September 1930 the NSDAP party of Adolf Hitler saw by far the largest gains within the Reichstag. Where most parties lost seats, the NSDAP had gained. In the previous election in 1928, Hitler’s NSDAP had just 12 seats, but two years later, in 1930, they had gained 95 for a total of 107. The SPD remained the larger party but had also slipped seats. With such an encroachment by the NSDAP into the Reichstag there was little chance of the formation of a majority government. So it was to Centre Party politician Heinrich Brüning that President Paul von Hindenburg asked to form a minority government.

With a major move to the right within national politics, the parties of the far right started looking towards dismantling the institutions of democracy. One of these was the Free State of Prussia. Prussia, governed by Otto Braun had been a bulwark of democracy and had fought against the NSDAP, even issuing in 1931 an arrest warrant for Adolf Hitler that was only blocked by the Reich government. As a response the Prussian government would ban Hitler’s private army the Sturmabteilung, or the SA brown shirt thugs from Prussia. Tensions were undoubtably rising.

The arrest warrant for Hitler, and the banning of the SA also might have only banded the politicians of the far right closer together in their desire to break apart the SPD led Prussian Landtag.

In April 1932, the Prussian people went to vote for their parliament, their Landtag. Although they did not manage a majority, it was a landslide for the NSDAP. The coalition that had governed Russia since 1920 consisting of the SPD, the Deutsche Staatspartei or DStP, and the Centre party was no longer possible, but neither was a NSDAP government. It was the German Chancellor Franz von Papen who seized the initiative and dealt Prussia the greatest blow.

With no solution foreseeable to von Papen he did the unthinkable and disbanded Prussia, using special powers gifted to him by President Paul von Hindenburg he appointed himself Reich Commissioner for Prussia and brought Prussia under the heal of the Chancellor and Reich government. The opposition failed to counter, a planned strike in protest did not materialise and senior police personnel who could have brought about an uprising or a halt to the Reich’s encroachment on Prussian life were arrested. The greatest democracy in Germany had been undermined and the way to power for Hitler had been paved before him.

On the 30th of January 1933 Germany’s fate was sealed. Adolf Hitler was appointed by Paul von Hinden burg as Chancellor of Germany, and seven days later the last remaining powers of Prussia were transferred to von Papen who still served as the Reich Commissioner. Von Papen would take Otto Brauns seat on the Prussian Council and the chairman of the Council, the future Chancellor of West Germany, refused to take his. Von Papen calls a new election and a coalition of the NSDAP and the right wing Deutschnationale Volkspartei or (DNVP) would win. Now Hitler could begin the Gleichschaltung of Germany.

Gleichschaltung was to synchronise all of Germany’s laws within one body. There would be no regional parliaments (the Landtag) all power would be concentrated within a central body, or in the idea of the NSDAP the Führerprinzip.

MR. JUSTICE JACKSON You, from the very beginning, together with those who were associated with you, intended to overthrow and later did overthrow, the Weimar Republic?

GOERING: That was, as far as I am concerned, my firm intention.

MR. JUSTICE JACKSON: And, upon coming to power, you immediately abolished parliamentary government in Germany?

GOERING: We found it to be no longer necessary. Also I should like to emphasise the fact that we were moreover the strongest parliamentary party, and had the majority. But you are correct when you say that parliamentary Procedure was done away with because the various parties were disbanded and forbidden.

MR. JUSTICE JACKSON: You established the Leadership Principle, which you have described as a system under which authority existed only at the top, and is passed downwards and is imposed on the people below; is that correct?

GOERING: In order to avoid any misunderstanding, I should like once more to explain the idea briefly, as I understand it. In German parliamentary procedure in the past responsibility rested with the highest officials, who were responsible for carrying out the anonymous wishes of the majorities, and it was they who exercised the authority. In the Leadership Principle we sought to reverse the direction, that is,.the authority existed at the top and passed downwards, while the responsibility began at the bottom and passed upwards.

MR. JUSTICE JACKSON: In other words, you did not believe in and did not permit government, as we call it, by consent of the governed, in which the people, through their representatives, were the source of power and authority?

GOERING: That is not entirely correct. We repeatedly called on the people to express unequivocally and clearly what they thought of our system, only it was in a different way from that previously adopted and from the system in practice in other countries. We chose the way of a so-called plebiscite. We also took the point of view that even a government founded on the Leadership Principle could maintain itself only if it was based in some way on the confidence of the people. If it no longer had such confidence, then t would have to rule with bayonets, and the Fuehrer was always of the opinion that that was impossible in the long run-to rule against the will of the people.

MR. JUSTICE JACKSON: But you did not permit the election of those who should act with authority by the people, but they were designated from the top downward continuously, were they not?

GOERING: Quite right. The people were merely to acknowledge the authority of the Fuehrer, or, let us say, to declare themselves in agreement with the Fuehrer. If they gave the Fuehrer their confidence then it was their concern to exercise the other functions. Thus, not the individual persons were to be selected according to the will of the people, but solely the leadership itself.

Hitler and Göring acted swiftly to break the bonds as they saw it of parliamentary democracy and centre power within the idea of the Führerprinzip. It was the numerous regional parliaments that could stand in Hitler’s way, he needed to break these institutions, but interestingly they wished to do it legally. But to do it legally there would have to be a quashing of the opposition.

Luckily, for Hitler and the Nazis, it would be just 29 days after Hitler had assumed power as Chancellor that an opportunity would present itself.

On the 27th of February 1933 the Reichstag, the seat of German governance was found to be ablaze. Quickly the burning of the parliament building was blamed on the SPD and KPD, the communist party, who formed much of the opposition. Hitler and his cabinet quickly drew up the Decree of the Reichs President for the protection of people and state known as the Reichstag fire decree. It suspended ya das corpus, and ended freedom of the press and the right to assembly, phones and post could be monitored and there was to be no freedom of expression. These rights were never reinstated under Nazi rule. With the Reichstag Fire Decree the Nazis accelerated their persecution of the opposition, the SPD and KPD, who had been expected to vote against any emergency power measures. Although their arrests had been already planned before the burning of the Reichstag, the fire enable the timeline to be accelerated.

Nuremberg Trials: Day 84: Göring (page 10 lower page): “The arrests which you attribute to the Reichstag fire are the arrests of communist functionaries. These arrests, as I have repeatedly stated and wish to emphasize once more, had nothing to do with this fire. The fire merely precipitated their arrest and upset our carefully planned action, thus allowing several of the functionaries to escape.

Mr Justice Jackson: “In other words, you had lists of communists already prepared at the time of the Reichstag Fire.”

On the 24th of March 1933 the Enabling act, with the KPD effectively banned and with many members of the SPD arrested and incarcerated, was passed. It was an act that gave Hitler emergency powers for four years, powers that would allow him to pass laws without the consent of a national parliament, power was to be embodied with himself, the very idea of the Führerprinzip, yet still the regional parliaments stood in his way.

In the Prussian Ministry of the Interior Globke was consulting on a Prussian “Law to remedy the plight of the people and land,” or a version of the Enabling Act focused on Prussia. An act whose purpose was to pull the Prussian Landtag in to line with the government of the Reich, no embodied within Adolf Hitler. Although the parliamentary authority of the Prussian Landtag had been suspended by von Pappen’s Prussian Blow, the legal framework of the Prussian Gleichshaltung still needed to be drafted and enacted.

Globke, on the 7th of May 1933 produced a draft which was sent to the Prussian Government. A Prussian government that was now headed by Hermann Göring. When Globke was asked by the Minister of Justice Gürtner about the elimination of the rights of minorities that was protected by the Prussian constitution, rights that could demand that the Prussian Landtag be convened, effectively undermining the act, Globke in a handwritten comment noted, “Correct: the elimination of this minority right does not affect the establishment of the parliament as such.” The basic right of the people of Prussia were falling.

Hans Globke insisted, however, that with the drafting of his law that a Prussian Council of State should be created, a council that Hermann Göring on the 26th of April 1933 had proposed within a speech, a council of which Göring would be ruler over. He also wished that it be made clear that neither by referendum or a parliamentary decision could the laws enacted be repealed. The people were to be secondary, their rights as citizens to vote, to chose, to hold referendums to make changes that the Nazi’s themselves had pushed for on numerous occasions were no more, there was to be no more will of the people only that of the party, who’s will was the Führerprinzip.

The law drafted by Globke on behalf of the Ministry of the Interior, the NSDAP and DNVP coalition within the land tag was presented on the 18th of May 1933. It opened with “The laws of the State ministry on the basis of the provisional law of the Gleichschaltung of the states with the Reich,” it was approved. The Prussian Landtag was dissolved.

With the passing of the law Göring made a speech; “Prussia in its old mission and glorious tradition the basic cornerstone of Germany, The Chancellor has ordered me to be the guardian of Prussia and has given me a special mandate to uphold what Prussia is. So Prussia falls to the most important mission, like it also has had in the last century, to be the foundation on which the German Reich is to build.”

Whilst Göring spoke of defending the Prussian ideal, democracy and building a future for Prussia, it was ever the irony that the opposite had happened, as at the same time Göring also founded the Secret State Police, an organisation that would become the one of the chief instruments of oppression of the German people by the Nazi regime, and known more commonly as the Gestapo.

By the time the Prussian Enabling Act was published on the 2nd of June 1933, the people’s rights to vote on the law, or hold a referendum had been totally squashed, and the equality that had been a guiding principal of the Prussian constitution had also been discarded. The NSDAP, Hitler, and Göring with the help of the Reichs Ministry of the Interior and Globke were now able to write the history for the German people. Globke would comment shortly there after “the enabling act of the Prussian Landtag in its session of the 18th of May 1933 against all the social democratic votes has been accepted. It is expected to be forever or at least for a long time, to be the last law that came about by parliamentary means.”

Much later, in 1961, Dr. Hans Globke sat for an interview with the Hamburg newspaper Die Zeit, the interview, carefully prepared, and wooden, was typed up, translated, copied and distributed about Washington DC by the German Embassy on the 17th of February 1961 in which Hans Globke would say, “In 1933, there was still a possibility that the national socialist rule would be of short duration.” Quite a contrast to his comments that came just five months into 1933.

Over the course of the next months of 1933 Hans Globke would work on the laws that would define the power of the Prussian State Council which was to be headed by Göring. On the 4th of July, as America celebrated its independence day, Globke presented the final draft as a consultant on the Gesetz über den Staatsrat the Prussian state council law. It defined the council as a body of up to fifty members appointed by the Prime Minister (Göring), and it was to be consisted of representatives of the Stürmabteilung (SA), The Schutzstaffel (SS), the Gauleiters (district leaders) responsible for Prussian territories, with also representatives from the church, economy, labour, sciences and art, as well as those Göring saw fit. It is perhaps section four of this proposed law that contains the most important wording “Section Four part 1, the state councillor can only be appointed if he is at least twenty-five years old, and has the rights of a German citizen.”

On the 8th of July 1933 Göring commented on the role of the council, “Of course it is that this council of State is only an advisory body, it will not, for it would be a sin against the National Socialist spirit to relapse into parliamentary-democratic customs.” On the 10th the law, Gesetz über den Staatsrat was published cementing power further into the hands of the party.

The 14th of October 1933 brought about the dissolution of all the Landtage within the German Reich, may opting to follow the process enacted within Prussia. An election was held on the 12th of November 1933 where there was only one party the NSDAP present upon the ballot paper, unsurprisingly the NSDAP won all 661 seats within the Reichstag. Then on the 30th of January 1934, the 1 year anniversary of Hitler assuming the office of Chancellor, another law was announced. The Law for the Rebuilding of the Reich. It quoted the plebiscite of November 1933 as proof that the people had become one, that they had unity across all domestic borders and opposites. That the representations of the States were repealed and their rights were all transferred to the Reich, all provincial governments are subordinate to the Reich government, the Reichsstatthalter or Governors of the states that had been de-federalised and reduced to provinces were under the supervision of the Ministry of the Interior, and the Minister of the Interior issues the statutory ordinances and administrative regulations necessary for the implementation of the law.

The final blow landed on the 14th of February 1934, where the laws and processes Hans Globke had created for the destruction of the Prussian Landtag and the rights of the people of Prussia were used nationally, the Reichstag, the seat of German government was disbanded. All power now lay with Adolf Hitler. On this matter two contemporaries of Globke, Rudolf Kluge and Heinrich Krüger would wirte, “There is only one state authority, that is the will of the leader, he has the legislative power; the Reich government no longer votes, but advises, and the leader, He decides as He has the executive power and is the highest judge.” (p.39/40)

Yet in the time between the passing of the formation of the Prussian State Council law and the November election of 1933, Hans Globke’s focus had shifted. Now his focus was on that section 4 part 1 line, “the state councillor can only be appointed if he is at least 25 years old and has the rights of a German citizen.” It was the German citizen fragment that he was most focused upon. In a circular dated the 9th of August 1933 Hans Globke wrote “Also, I take for granted that the aryan descent is proposed.”

You may have heard of the name Roland Freisler, he was most famous as the ardent Nazi judge that screamed at and berated those who stood before him in his mock court of law during the propaganda ministries show trials. [Clip] In this clip Judge Freisler scream at and berates Ulrich-Wilhelm Graf von Schwerin a principal planner of the 20th of July Plot to kill Hitler. Von Schwerin begins to speak of the murders committed by Germany in Poland, to which Freisler screams murder before calling von Schwerin a lousy bastard. It was in State secretary in the Prussian Ministry of Justice Freisler and then State Secretary in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior Grauert’s commented law collection from January 1934 the Hans Globke, now promoted to senior councillor, is listed as a contributor, in which Senior Councillor Globke writes, “A Reich law on Reich Citizenship law is in preparation.”


In the next episode of […] we’ll dive into the laws that Globke created, created to systematically steel from the people their basic human rights and deny them their names.

Episode 2

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